Odia Pride to Mob Violence: What is BJP's Odisha Story | Explained

BJP’s Odisha Story

On March 9, Odisha Chief Minister Mohan Charan Majhi informed the state assembly and that there are atleast  54 incidents of communal violence and seven cases of mob lynching, all since his government came to power in June 2024. 

The victims were mostly Muslims, Dalits and tribal Christians. In many of these cases, the accused were members of right-wing Hindu outfits. 

Odisha has long been celebrated as the sacred land of Jagannath, a deity whose temple in Puri draws pilgrims from across faiths, and whose tradition is rooted in a spirit of inclusion that predates the modern Indian state. This article examines how that changed - to trace the political, historical and organisational forces that brought Hindutva to Odisha's doorstep, and what the BJP's first solo government in the state means for the communities now living under its shadow.

One such victim was Makarand Muhammad, a Muslim man allegedly lynched by gau rakshaks linked to Bajrang Dal and the accused were  known to his own family. 

Official records also point to a shifting pattern. Data from the National Crime Records Bureau shows communal incidents in Odisha rising sharply in recent years, particularly in the run-up to the 2024 elections.

Hindutva’s  Long Road to Power

To understand the BJP's rise in Odisha in 2024, we must look beyond the election itself. The story begins decades earlier.

For many years, Odisha's politics revolved around a familiar debate. In the 2019 elections, the choice between the Biju Janata Dal and the BJP was often framed as welfare politics  versus Hindutva. Naveen Patnaik's BJD built its popularity on welfare schemes and the promise of development. For a long time, that formula worked.

By 2024, however, the political landscape had shifted. Both parties were promising welfare benefits. The difference now lay elsewhere - in the politics of identity.

The BJP placed Odia pride, or Odia Asmita, at the center of its campaign. At the heart of this strategy was a powerful cultural symbol: Lord Jagannath. For centuries, Jagannath has been more than a deity in Odisha. It  represents a unique blend of regional identity, tribal traditions and Hindu devotion. The famous Jagannath Temple in Puri -one of Hinduism's four sacred pilgrimage sites - is deeply woven into the cultural life of the state.

The BJP understood this symbolic power well. Rather than pushing the Ram-centric imagery common in North India, the party embraced Jagannath culture as part of its Hindutva narrative. At the same time, it questioned the BJD's sincerity in protecting Odia identity  and culture.  The message was simple but effective: Who truly represents Odisha and its identity?

Roots of the Sangh

The Hindu nationalist movement has been present in Odisha since the 1940s, when the RSS began expanding its network in the region, viewing the state as a "Hindu province" shaped by the cultural influence of Lord Jagannath. Over time, a wider network of organisations emerged -the Bharatiya Jan Sangh, the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad and the Vishva Hindu Parishad all built their presence across the state.

The Sangh Parivar's history in Odisha was not without violence. In 1964, anti-Muslim violence  erupted after a train carrying refugees from East Pakistan arrived in the state, with Sangh Parivar organisations reported to have played a role. Politically, however, the movement remained marginal. 

The Bharatiya Jan Sangh managed to send its first members to the Odisha assembly only after the Emergency was lifted in 1977, and even then, the organisation was often seen as dominated by Marwari traders rather than local Odias.

A major turning point came with the BJD-BJP alliance from 1998 to 2009. The coalition gave the BJP its first ministerial positions and helped it gain modest electoral traction -but the period was also marked by bloodshed.

 In 1999, Bajrang Dal activists burned alive Australian missionary Graham Staines and his two young sons. Nearly a decade later, anti-Christian violence erupted in Kandhamal in 2008 following the assassination of VHP leader Laxmanananda Saraswati, who had led aggressive ghar wapsi campaigns among tribal communities.

The violence forced Naveen Patnaik to end the alliance with the BJP. In the 2009 assembly elections, the party's fortunes collapsed, winning only six of 147 seats.

Quiet Expansion

Even as the BJP struggled electorally, its affiliated organisations continued to expand their presence at the grassroots. Cultural programmes, schools and ideological campaigns gradually worked to popularise the Hindutva narrative. One strategy involved linking Bharat Mata to local manifestations of Goddess Durga, carefully blending national Hindu imagery with regional traditions rather than confronting them.

The real turning point came in 2014, when the BJP formed the national government under Narendra Modi. The victory gave the party new resources and confidence. In Odisha, the BJP soon overtook the Congress to become the principal challenger to the BJD. Over the next decade, the party steadily expanded its vote share, strengthened its organisation and carefully selected candidates who could win local support. What had once been a marginal force was slowly transforming into a serious political contender.

The 2024 Moment

The 2024 election was the culmination of this long process. The BJP also found an unexpected opportunity in the BJD's own campaign.

For years, Naveen Patnaik's politics had centred on development and welfare. But in 2024, the BJD too began highlighting Odia language and Jagannath culture. This shift opened the door for the BJP to question the party's sincerity. The BJP accused the BJD of planning to install a non-Odia chief minister, targeting V.K. Pandian, a Tamil-born bureaucrat and close aide of Patnaik. The slogan spread quickly across the state: "Odisha's chief minister must be an Odia."

The BJP also expanded its identity politics beyond language and religion. Prime Minister Narendra Modi repeatedly invoked the legacy of Birsa Munda, the iconic Adivasi leader, and connected Jagannath culture to the figure of Subhadra, Jagannath's sister, highlighting women's role in tradition. He also presented President Droupadi Murmu, a Santali tribal leader, as a symbol of both tribal pride and women's empowerment.

Electorally, the results bore this out. The BJP performed particularly well in western and northern Odisha, regions with large tribal populations. According to data from the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, the BJP secured 42 percent of Scheduled Tribe votes, compared to 27 percent for the BJD. The party also increased its vote share in rural areas by nearly 10 percent, while maintaining strong support among upper castes, upper OBCs and Dalits.

On the ground, the party activated over 45,000 booth committees across the state, with local workers - known as Panna Pramukhs - responsible for contacting voters, promoting welfare schemes and managing digital outreach. The result was a broad social coalition that ultimately carried the BJP to power.

What Comes After

After the election victory, the BJP reinforced its tribal messaging by appointing Mohan Charan Majhi, a tribal leader, as chief minister, while Jual Oram became the Union Minister for Tribal Affairs.

But the victory has come with consequences. Since the BJP formed its government, communal violence has risen, lynchings have been recorded and minority communities have reported growing fear. The syncretic traditions of Odisha -long shaped by the inclusive spirit of Jagannath- are under strain.

The BJP's rise in Odisha was not just the outcome of a single election campaign. It was the product of decades of ideological work, grassroots organisation and the careful fusion of Hindutva politics with regional identity. And in Odisha, that identity was built around one powerful symbol - lord Jagannath. What that symbol comes to mean in the years ahead may define the state for a generation.